Suppose there were? How could we get it to work?
First off, we can't do this for the office of the President without monkeying with the Constitution, and I want to avoid that. Any experiments we should try locally and see what happens. (The Law of Unintended Consequences is a fundamental rule of the Universe.)
Let's define a simple model, and try it out as a gedanken experiment. Bear in mind that this does not interfere with other voting approaches, such as weighted voting.
For each office, the last name on the ballot is "None of the Above." If a candidate achieves a majority, he wins. If no candidate achieves a majority, there is a runoff election. In that runoff election no candidate outpolled by "None of the Above" may appear. If, for example, NOTA (None of the Above) receives more votes than all but candidate A, then candidate A may appear on the runoff ballot, but the others may not. All parties which ran candidates on the first ballot may offer replacement candidates, with the number of signatures required to appear being reduced. NOTA is also a candidate on this runoff election.
If no candidate receives a majority in the runoff election, a second
runoff election is scheduled. The number of signatures required to appear
on the ballot is the same as for the first runoff. This time no candidate
is excluded, and NOTA does not appear on the ballot (somebody has to
serve in the office, after all). (There might be a third runoff between
the top two vote-winners.)
Comments:
- This is apt to be expensive.
- Getting together enough signatures in a few weeks is hard, and biases the system towards nominating people for the runoffs who have a very strong organization backing them, such as party and labor leaders. Personal shoeleather campaigns are less likely to win.
- If party X has a strong candidate A and nobody else in the wings as good, then party Y faces a strong temptation to wage a campaign of cynicism in hopes that NOTA will win and give party Y a better chance in the runoff.
All parties nominate decent candidates who argue about issues and
credentials. The voters give one a majority.
Scenario A
Party X nominates A and party Y nominates B. During the campaign we
discover that A has some unfortunate character traits or lack of skill.
Yellow-dog partisans of X, unwilling to ever vote for anyone from party Y,
vote for NOTA
hoping for a runoff. If NOTA actually outpolls candidate B, B must not
be very popular in the district, and it doesn't distort the representation
to let party X have the chance to try somebody new. Conclusion: It
costs $$ but doesn't misrepresent the wishes of the voting public.
Scenario B
Voters become even more cynical than they are now. Rather than stay
home when they don't know who's who, a significant number show up and
register protest NOTA votes. This could be important, as about 60% of
potential voters don't. Voters who don't show up don't distort the
results much, but voters trying to sabotage the system can. Conclusion:
Regular wins by NOTA are a warning sign. Either the parties are fielding
jerks, the campaigns are worthless, or a large chunk of the population has
given up on democracy.
Scenario C
Selecting nominees becomes a poker game, where party bosses calculate
the chances of forcing a runoff; offering sacrificial candidates for the
first round and campaigning for NOTA. They balance the risk that the other
party might beat NOTA and the risk that NOTA might also win the runoff
against the chance of putting the other party's best candidate out of the
running. Conclusion: I don't see any upside to this. The strategy is
very risky, but I've learned not to underestimate the cunning of political
strategists.
Worth a try?
A city might be willing to try this experiment, if the state legislature could be persuaded to agree. Yours?
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